While the special prosecutor team has not yet released the contents of the media documents confiscated in its investigation on Lee Su-dong, the former permanent director of the Kim Dae-jung Peace Foundation for the Asia-Pacific Region, guessing the specifics of them is not a hard task. There have been a number of so-called "media files" in this administration, and the contents of the documents often became reality despite the authorities continued denial of their existence. Under the sugarcoated expression "media reform," the document proved that the government had devised a scheme for "media suppression," with an intention to dominate the press.
The dark plot to "reform" the press in favor of the government to prolong the life of its regime had already been revealed to the world. A media file discovered in a core ruling party member's office three years ago is considered a "classic" media domination scenario for its elaborateness and perfection, which can even make a good college thesis. We still remember vividly that the series of incidents following the discovery was undeniably coincident with the scenario.
The gist of the document disclosed in 1999 was an all-out "media reform" by mobilizing all government agencies, including Cheong Wa Dae, the National Tax Service, public prosecutors and the National Intelligence Service. The document introduces various methodologies for effective media suppression: in order to execute such large-scale project, a reliable leader who can supervise and command the plan is need to be appointed, while maintaining absolute confidentiality. Also, a clever maneuver to provoke a legal investigation by digging at the weakness of a media firm, and informing of this to other media or auxiliary organs is also included. The document suggests a "sneak attack" on media companies by "arresting" a media owner in the name of "reform" to cause internal strife within the industry, which came true shortly thereafter. The target newspaper firm was struck with an unprecedented financial blow in the history of the country's journalism. However, the layout of the press has not changed, as the final judges of the game are the readers after all.
Yet, another set of media files has been discovered at the Kim Dae-jung Peace Foundation for the Asia-Pacific Region; a seven-paged document urges reform of Seoul-based media to "accomplish the reform and to strengthen the government rule" and another file proposes "a methodological approach for local media." The solemn cause of "media reform" can hardly be related to "the recreation of the regime," a practical interest of the authority. The government intent to tame the media to suit their taste came from a selfish motive to train the press as the state power's slave.
The government's action to dominate media is far more fatal and harmful than any scandals pursuing illegal interest. The media's presence is only meaningful when it fulfills the watchdog's duty over the authorities to eradicate social corruption. If the government uses "media reform" as a means to recreate its regime, the press is no more than a foil of power. A society where the press can watch over the government still has hope for revival, as it has a self-cleaning ability.
Media reform is indeed needed, but not by the hand of corrupt authority. Civil rights activist Ham Seok-heon said the following upon launching a magazine "Voice of the People;" "even if the government becomes a robber's hideout and schools, theaters and churches become their minions, there is no worry if newspapers are alive," insisting that the newspaper could only survive by serving the readers, none other than the common people, as its master. Ham's words simply reiterate the obvious truth that a newspaper is maintained and grows based on its readers' support. True media reform is to be reborn as a paper devoted to the readers, and both the government and the media must not forget this simple principle.
(Professor at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies - March 12, 2002)
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